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Trumps Shield of the Americas could help defend against cartels

Former defense attorney John Koufos argues that the U.S.-led Shield of the Americas initiative, which designates eight criminal groups as foreign terrorist organizations, gives Washington and its partners new tools to dismantle cartel finances and share intelligence, while Brazil remains the key holdout.

This item was produced with AI assistance under the editorial responsibility of Haydamax OÜ.

A former defense attorney who spent years handling organized crime and gang cases says the U.S.-led "Shield of the Americas" initiative could give authorities a stronger way to confront transnational cartels. In a Fox News opinion piece, John Koufos argues that the cartels' ability to exploit borders is their greatest advantage, and that the initiative is designed to erase that edge.

Koufos writes that his years in courtrooms taught him that cartels operate with the logistical discipline of large corporations, managing supply chains, laundering money through global financial networks and assigning specialized cells to enforcement, distribution and corruption. In his account, street-level figures such as MS-13 enforcers or Tren de Aragua members sit at the bottom of a much larger structure. A drug shipment may originate in the Andes, be financed through a front company in Central America and be sold by local gangs in American cities, forcing investigators to navigate evidence-sharing hurdles, extradition delays and the tracing of illicit funds across several countries.

The initiative's most significant step, according to Koufos, is the designation of eight major criminal groups as foreign terrorist organizations and specially designated global terrorists. Those named include the Sinaloa cartel, the Jalisco New Generation cartel, known as CJNG, and Tren de Aragua. He argues that the designation changes the legal landscape by allowing the immediate freezing of assets, imposing severe penalties on anyone providing "material support" and authorizing deeper disruption of financial networks. In his view, the central goal is to hit cartels where they are most vulnerable.

"You cannot arrest your way out of a cartel problem," Koufos writes. "You must disrupt the business itself." He contends that pressuring the financial institutions that launder cartel money is central to weakening these organizations, and that the framework equips law enforcement to act proactively rather than only reacting to individual crimes.

Koufos also highlights the initiative's emphasis on intelligence sharing and military coordination. He says Argentina, El Salvador, Peru, Ecuador, Panama, Paraguay and Chile are participating. The aim is to break down silos in which one agency holds one piece of a case while another country holds the rest. Under this model, communications intercepted in Lima could be used to disrupt a trafficking route in Central America and support a federal indictment in New York, he writes. Joint military coordination, he adds, would allow partner nations to match the firepower cartels have at their disposal.

The piece identifies Brazil as the critical missing partner. Koufos notes that Brazil, South America's largest nation, has its own powerful criminal organizations, the Primeiro Comando da Capital and the Comando Vermelho, which he says have built alliances with international cartels and expanded well beyond Brazil's borders. He reports that the current government has not joined the U.S.-led effort and is not expected to do so, and he links the outcome of the recent presidential election, which returned Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva to office, to that expectation. Koufos argues that Brazil's participation would deny cartels one of their most important safe havens and operational hubs in the hemisphere, creating a unified front from the U.S.-Mexico border to the Southern Cone.

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